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Wednesday, January 22, 2014

29.6-Carat Blue Diamond Found at South African Mine Could Fetch $15m-$20m at Auction

Blue diamond
The blue diamond found at the Cullinan mine this month. 
 
A rare 29.6-carat blue diamond that could be worth millions of pounds has been discovered in South Africa.

Petra Diamonds said the "exceptional" acorn-sized diamond was unearthed at the Cullinan mine near Pretoria.

Previous notable finds at the mine include the Cullinan Diamond in 1905, described as the largest rough gem diamond ever recovered, at 3,106 carats; a 25.5-carat blue diamond in 2013, sold for $16.9m (£10.2m); and the Star of Josephine in 2008, sold for $9.49m.

Petra's chief executive, Johan Dippenaar, said the latest discovery could outstrip recent finds. "By some margin … this is probably the most significant stone we've ever, in terms of blue stones, recovered," he said.

Cailey Barker, an analyst at the brokers Numis, said the diamond could fetch $15m-$20m at auction.

Lord Rennard case 'could turn into bloodbath' and embarrass Lib Dems

Lord Rennard
Lord Rennard is taking advice about obtaining a legal injunction
 
Lord Rennard has hired a top lawyer in a bid to stop his suspension from the Liberal Democrats, as sources close to the peer late Tuesday warned of a potential legal "bloodbath" over the harassment allegations that could embarrass the party.

The former Lib Dem chief executive is taking advice about obtaining a legal injunction, after the party launched an inquiry into his failure to apologise to the activists who accuse him of touching them inappropriately.

Sources close to the peer said he is still pushing for mediation but is prepared to go to court and have all the evidence aired in public. "Some people are warning of a bloodbath and if everything comes out, it will be," the source said.

It comes after some complainants accused Rennard's allies of trying to intimidate and spread smears against them. Alison Smith, a politics lecturer and activist, suggested on Twitter that there was a personal campaign against the women who had made complaints against the peer.

Another complainant, who did not want to be identified, said she felt threatened by claims from Lord Carlile, Rennard's legal adviser, that he had a devastating item of contradictory evidence against one of the accusers. "I don't like the veiled threats that they are going to expose our personal lives," she told the Guardian.

Nick Clegg, the Lib Dem leader, appealed for calm at a meeting of MPs and peers, acknowledging the Lib Dems are going through a "difficult" period. However, the schism in the party showed no sign of closing as one of Clegg's predecessors, Lord Steel, called for Rennard's suspension to be lifted.
"Collectively, the party leadership should get a grip on this and say it's got to be reversed," he told ITV News. "There should not be a threat of expulsion. Chris Rennard should withdraw his threat of legal action and we should get this sorted out once and for all.

"There's no doubt that some offence was caused to women. That's not in doubt. The question is, can we now get an agreement to regret what happened in the past and make sure it doesn't happen again and get back to normal politics?"

Despite Clegg's insistence that the disciplinary process must be allowed to run its course, senior party figures pleaded with the peer to find some middle ground.

Lord Ashdown, a former party leader, said Rennard could simply protest his innocence and express general regret by way of an apology. "It goes like this: 'I assert my innocence. I do not believe I did this. But if inadvertently I created hurt for others, then I regret that,'" Ashdown told the BBC's Daily Politics show. He added that talk of civil action is "foolish and unwise".

However, Rennard now appears to be preparing for a court battle that could potential drag on until the next election and reveal details about the inner workings of Nick Clegg's party.

"A senior QC specialising in public law matters has been instructed and is advising Lord Rennard as to the lawfulness or otherwise of the decision to hold a second inquiry," a spokesman for the peer said.

Rennard's supporters argue that the grounds for opening up a second investigation into the lack of an apology are "built on quicksand".

A first inquiry by Alistair Webster QC found there was no proof Rennard behaved in a sexually inappropriate way, even though he concluded that the evidence of the women was "broadly credible" and that the peer may have violated their personal space.

However, a committee of Liberal Democrats suspended him pending an investigation into whether his lack of contrition had brought the party into disrepute.

According to the Liberal Democrat disciplinary rules for local and regional parties, this charge "has proven to be a very difficult area in the past". Its procedural guidelines lists three areas in which "bringing the party into disrepute" is likely to apply: serious criminal convictions, acting in breach of any postal vote code of conduct, or acting in a manner to bring the party into disrepute in secret.
David Howarth, a former Lib Dem MP, on Tuesday said he thought Rennard should apologise but questioned the new inquiry as a potential abuse of power.

"Chris has been suspended from membership on the basis not of any accusation that he has abused his power, or of any similar repudiation of the party's aims and values, but on the basis of an accusation that he refused to apologise 'as recommended by Alistair Webster QC'," he wrote on the Lib Dem Voice website.

"So what does the charge really consist of? Nick Clegg made clear last week, and again this morning, that it would be inappropriate for Lord Rennard to resume the Liberal Democrat whip unless he apologises. Lord Rennard has refused to do so. In other words, Chris is charged with defying the leader. Since when has that counted as bringing the party into disrepute?
"To threaten to throw Chris out of the party for refusing to do what the leader demands is itself a betrayal of what the party stands for. Who is abusing power now?"
One suggestion is that the party's federal executive should push for the involvement of a reconciliation body, such as Acas. But senior party sources have dismissed this idea as silly given that the Lib Dems are about to appoint a new investigator to take charge of the second inquiry. It is understood that Lord Macdonald, the Lib Dem peer and former director of public prosecutions, could take on this role, although it has not been confirmed.

Bridget Harris, one of the complainants, also rejected any plan that involved trying to make deal behind closed doors, saying an informal approach had caused many of the problems in the first place.
At the same time, Harris has not ruled out bringing legal action against the peer or the party over the allegations. The former adviser to Clegg told the BBC she was "taking the process one step at a time".

"In terms of civil action, how can I possibly say … what I would or wouldn't do, depending on the circumstances?"

Systematic killing evidence in Syria just tip of iceberg - aid agencies

Detained Syrian men, blindfolded and handcuffed, in Qusair, near Homs
Detained Syrian men, blindfolded and handcuffed, in Qusair, near Homs.
 
The cache of evidence smuggled out of Syria showing the "systematic killing" of 11,000 detainees in Syrian jails may only be the tip of the iceberg, international aid agencies have said.

The International Committee of the Red Cross, UN bodies and Human Rights Watch have repeatedly complained of having next to no access to detainees and being stonewalled by Syrian authorities despite repeated requests to visit infamous detention sites, such as Sayednaya prison in Damascus.
They said Monday's report by three eminent international lawyers that at least 11,000 victims have been killed while in detention represents numbers in only one part of the country.

"All I know after years of trying to get access is that this is likely to eventually shock the world," one senior official from an international body told the Guardian, on condition of anonymity. "What we have seen in the [war crimes lawyers'] report broadly reflects what we have pieced together over the past few years."

Syrian activists say an estimated 50,000 detainees are unaccounted for. Tens of thousands of Syrians have been held in the country's infamous detention centres and released, often after months of deprivation and torture.

Ulceration on the lower shin and foot of a Syrian detainee  
Ulceration on the lower shin and foot of a Syrian detainee. 
 
Monday's revelations drew widespread condemnation and were held up by the lawyers – all of whom have experience in prosecuting war crimes under international law – as "compelling" evidence in any legal forum. Amnesty International said the evidence should be central to the first face-to-face talks since the war began between opposition and regime officials, due to start in Switzerland on Wednesday.

Philip Luther, of Amnesty, said: "If confirmed, these would be crimes against humanity committed on a staggering scale. It certainly raises the question once again why the security council has not yet referred the situation in Syria to the prosecutor of the international criminal court.

"Geneva II must demand the disclosure of the fate of all persons subjected to enforced disappearance, secret detention or abduction, including civilians, soldiers, fighters and suspected informers."
Most of the 55,000 images taken of the victims were shot by one official photographer. Other photographers are attached to security units elsewhere in the country and are likely to also have been asked to provide visual evidence of deaths.

Each main city in Syria has numerous large prisons, off limits to all but elite military and security units but known to hold large numbers of detainees.

Syria has one of the most extensive state security systems in the Middle East. Before the uprising citizens feared the pervasive reach of more than 15 agencies, which was supplemented by the eyes and ears of the Ba'ath party, whose members were well-attuned to dissent against President Bashar al-Assad and his senior officials.

Since the first stirrings of uprising in March 2011, security chiefs have been busier than ever. The military intelligence, air force intelligence, and politicalsecurity branches have been among the most active, detaining large numbers of citizens, especially in areas held by opposition fighting groups. Syrian rebels and foreign jihadists have also been detained.

International bodies in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon have reported they are overwhelmed by the number of families reporting the detention of their relatives. The full scale of the brutality inside Syria's prisons, they say, may never be known.

Refugees outside Syria talk frequently about missing relatives. Conversations in recent months have seemed increasingly desperate, as those who have fled Syria have ever-decreasing means of finding information about those they left behind.

"They came to take him in June," said Subhi Ahmed, a refugee from Aleppo now living in Beirut, of his son, Mohammed Ali. "It was the air force intelligence and we don't know where he is now. We have not heard a word. We went to the prison before leaving Syria and we have called many times. There is nothing."

Those who have been released from such facilities have told the Guardian and international investigators of the widespread use of summary executions. Detainees have also spoken of torture being routine. In a 2012 report Amnesty International itemised 31 methods of torture that it said were regularly used on prisoners. Figures complied by aid agencies suggest the number of detainees may be more than four times higher than the accepted figure.

The most rigorous process to establish a precise number has been conducted by Razan Zeitouneh, a Syrian activist and human rights lawyer who worked with the Violations Documentation Centre – an organisation that has gathered figures on Syrians in detention since the start of the uprising. Until she too disappeared late last year, Zeitouneh's group had accounted for more than 47,000 missing citizens. Zeitouneh was seized from an opposition-held district near Damascus. Unlike the bulk of those whose cases she documented, Zeitouneh is believed to have been seized by jihadist groups. She has not been heard from since.

In Aleppo early last year a Guardian investigation uncovered evidence of executions carried out in two regime intelligence bases in the west of the city. All of the victims had travelled from rebel-held east Aleppo. Several of those who had been released recounted their stories.

One of them, Abdel Rezzaq, 19, was detained in an air force intelligence prison. "I was living in Bustan area, working as a carpenter," he said. "I went downtown [in west Aleppo] to buy a falafel sandwich. The military caught me and beat me. They said I am with the Free Syria Army. They beat me for eight days day and nights and demanded I confess.

"I was arrested on 10 October and stayed [in prison] for about three months. Before I left the prison they took 30 people from isolation cells and killed them."

Rezzaq said he was being held within earshot of solitary confinement cells and the area where he alleges prisoners were taken and executed. "They handcuffed them and blindfolded them and they were torturing them till they died. They poured acid on them. The smell was very strong. Then we heard gunshots. The next day they put me and some of the others in front of men with guns, but they didn't shoot. They freed me later that day."

Monday, January 20, 2014

NHS patient data to be made available for sale to drug and insurance firms

NHS branding
 If an application is approved then firms will have to pay to extract NHS patient information, which will be scrubbed of some personal identifiers
Drug and insurance companies will from later this year be able to buy information on patients – including mental health conditions and diseases such as cancer, as well as smoking and drinking habits – once a single English database of medical data has been created.

Harvested from GP and hospital records, medical data covering the entire population will be uploaded to the repository controlled by a new arms-length NHS information centre, starting in March. Never before has the entire medical history of the nation been digitised and stored in one place.

Advocates say that sharing data will make medical advances easier and ultimately save lives because it will allow researchers to investigate drug side effects or the performance of hospital surgical units by tracking the impact on patients.

But privacy experts warn there will be no way for the public to work out who has their medical records or to what use their data will be put. The extracted information will contain NHS numbers, date of birth, postcode, ethnicity and gender.

Once live, organisations such as university research departments – but also insurers and drug companies – will be able apply to the new Health and Social Care Information Centre (HSCIC) to gain access to the database, called care.data.

If an application is approved then firms will have to pay to extract this information, which will be scrubbed of some personal identifiers but not enough to make the information completely anonymous – a process known as "pseudonymisation".

However, Mark Davies, the centre's public assurance director, told the Guardian there was a "small risk" certain patients could be "re-identified" because insurers, pharmaceutical groups and other health sector companies had their own medical data that could be matched against the
"pseudonymised" records. "You may be able to identify people if you had a lot of data. It depends on how people will use the data once they have it. But I think it is a small, theoretical risk," he said.
Once the scheme is formally approved by the HSCIC and patient data can be downloaded from this summer, Davies said that in the eyes of the law one could not distinguish between "a government department, university researcher, pharmaceutical company or insurance company" in a request to access the database.

In an attempt to ease public concern, this month NHS England is sending a leaflet entitled Better Information Means Better Care to 26m households, to say parts of the care.data database will be shared with "researchers and organisations outside the NHS" – unless people choose to opt out via their family doctor.

However, a leading academic and government adviser on health privacy said pursuing a policy that opened up data to charities and companies without clearly spelling out privacy safeguards left serious unanswered questions about patient confidentiality.

Julia Hippisley-Cox, a professor of general practice at Nottingham University who sits on the NHS's confidentiality advisory group – the high-level body that advises the health secretary on accessing confidential patient data without consent – said that while there may be "benefits" from the scheme "if extraction [sale] of identifiable data is to go ahead, then patients must be able find out who has their identifiable data and for what purpose".

Hippisley-Cox added that "there should be a clear audit trail which the patient can access and there needs to be a simple method for recording data sharing preferences and for these to be respected".
Davies, who is a GP, defended the database, saying there was "an absolute commitment to transparency" and rejecting calls for an "independent review and scrutiny of requests for access to data". "I am tempted to say that we will have 50 million auditors [referring to England's population] looking over our shoulder."

He said it was necessary to open up medical data to commercial companies especially as private firms take over NHS services to "improve patient care". Davies said: "We have private hospitals and companies like Virgin who are purchasing NHS patient care now. This is a trend that will continue. As long as they can show patient care is benefiting then they can apply.

" But Davies accepted there was now a "need to open a debate on this".

He pointed out that a number of private companies – such as Bupa – already had access to some sensitive hospital data, although none had been able to link to GP records until now. He added: "I am not sure how helpful in the NHS the distinction between public and private is these days. Look at Dr Foster [which] is a private company that used data to show significantly how things can be improved in the NHS and revealed what was going wrong at Mid Staffs. The key test is whether the data will be used to improve patient care."

Campaigners warned many members of the public would be uneasy about private companies benefiting from their health data – especially when the spread of data will not be routinely audited. Phil Booth, co-ordinator at patient pressure group medConfidential, said: "One of people's commonest concerns about their medical records is that they'll be used for commercial purposes, or mean they are discriminated against by insurers or in the workplace.

"Rather than prevent this, the care.data scheme is deliberately designed so that 'pseudonymised' data – information that can be re-identified by anyone who already holds information about you – can be passed on to 'customers' of the information centre, with no independent scrutiny and without even notifying patients. It's a disaster just waiting to happen."

Booth said the five listed reasons data can be released for are exceptionally broad: health intelligence, health improvement, audit, health service research and service planning. He said: "Officials would have you believe they're doing this all for research or improving care but the number of non-medical, non-research uses is ballooning before even the first upload has taken place. And though you won't read it in their junk mail leaflet, the people in charge now admit the range of potential customers for this giant centralised database of all our medical records is effectively limitless."

NHS England said it would publish its own assessment of privacy risks this week and pointed out that one of the key aims of care.data was to "drive economic growth by making England the default location for world-class health services research".

A spokesperson said: "A phased rollout of care.data is being readied over a three month period with first extractions from March allowing time for the HSCIC to assess the quality of the data and the linkage before making the data available. We think it would be wrong to exclude private companies simply on ideological grounds; instead, the test should be how the company wants to use the data to improve NHS care."

Rupert Everett in defence of prostitutes: 'There is a land grab going on'

Rupert Everett and sex worker in Soho
Rupert Everett: "these poor girls will always be swimming against the tide." 
 
The other night I watched Stephen Ward at the Aldwych Theatre, a morality musical about the destruction of an innocent man by the combined forces of Her Majesty's Government, her judiciary and her Metropolitan police force. Written by Lord Lloyd Webber, directed by Sir Richard Eyre, it is the best sort of British story, set against a world of stately homes and Soho drinking clubs, of peers, politicians, prostitutes and bent cops – with a few thrilling Jamaicans wielding guns thrown in – all ending up at the Old Bailey, where that deep wave of British hypocrisy (masquerading as fair play and crested by the usual police bullshit) drags Ward out to sea and drowns him. Convicted of being a pimp – he was not – Ward committed suicide on the eve of sentencing.

That night, behind the glitter and tinsel of theatreland, life was imitating art. Fifty years on, the same puritanical forces were at work, the same women under attack. Nothing had changed.

It felt like the perfect moment to look up my friend Nicki, who works with her maid Jodie in a cosy flat at Walkers Court by Brewer Street, for a cup of tea and a chat. Unfortunately, the police seemed to have got there first. Flashing police vans blocked the road. Swarms of bulletproof officers surrounded the doorway of Nicki's building. It was an image of war, replete with entrenched photographers and journalists as Nicky and Jodie were led away. I shrank back (couldn't help it) and watched as they marched past, fragile but poised. A woman yelled "Shame", but otherwise everyone looked busy and made for the shadows. Cameras flashed, sirens wailed and it was suddenly over. Picturesque Soho flickered back to life – blinking neon in halos of rain, red lights glowing in empty windows, the distant roar of Piccadilly Circus shaking the air, and a taxi grinding round the corner into the empty street. "Why?" said the woman watching, to no one in particular, as she walked off through Walkers Court.

There is a land grab going on in Soho under the banner of morality. That night, while Stephen Ward was bowing to an entranced audience, 200 of our boys in blue raided more than 20 models' flats, arresting 30 girls and confiscating their earnings. (This money, by the way, is virtually impossible to retrieve, due to various glitches in the law concerning legitimate earnings etc.) They broke down doors, intimidated girls into accepting cautions (ie criminal records) and served civil-eviction papers that, unless you were a lawyer, you would not know had hidden in their depths (20-odd pages) the time and date you were to appear in court if you wanted to appeal.

All this in the name of human trafficking. In witness statements I have read, the police claim to have identified at least 300 cases of human trafficking in London alone. Half of them, they believe, have "at some point passed through a Westminster brothel". So grave is the situation, we are told, that it is written about in a US Department of State report called Trafficking in Persons. Presumably it is as accurate as all their other reports concerning foreign countries. Anyway it is so terrible, the number of trafficked girls so overpowering, that the EU has provided the police with a funding stream to tackle the issue.

Human trafficking is a horrific reality. In the course of making a documentary on prostitution last year I met girls who were abducted, imprisoned and forced into sex work. Escape for these girls is more or less impossible. Their families back home are beaten and tortured. One girl I met managed to get away with the help of a client. Interestingly, when she contacted the police she was told there was nothing they could do. But while even the police say that more than 90% of prostitutes work of their own accord, trafficking has become one of the new "it" words in the bankrupt moral vernacular, craftily used by puritans, property developers and rogue feminists to combat the sex trade in general.
Sections 52 and 53 of the Sexual Offences Act – which relate to control and incitement in sex work – shelter under the anti-trafficking umbrella. These laws are created to protect women. In reality, they are putting working girls on to the street and into great danger.

"The police lady said the raids were not about the prosecution of prostitutes," one girl told me over coffee a few days later, "but to close down brothels where they have evidence of serious crimes happening, including rape and human trafficking. I say to her: 'Show us the evidence.' I haven't heard of one arrest for rape or human trafficking. Instead some of my friends were held for 23 hours and bullied into accepting cautions for criminal offences. Other women I know were taken to a 'place of safety' despite them saying that they weren't being forced to work."

Stephen Ward hearing  
Dr Stephen Ward, a key figure in the Profumo affair, leaves a court hearing. 
 
In the days after the raid, the musical Stephen Ward haunts me. In the second act huge spangled curtains swish back to reveal Court Number One at the Old Bailey.

A judge in silhouette observes from his throne. Stephen, the defendant, sits beneath him, a pathetic smile in a pool of light – he is watching his own death – while on either side two street walkers give (coerced) testimony claiming that Ward introduced them to clients and took a cut.

At a west London magistrates court Lloyd Webber's deathly Russian theme (replete with funeral gongs and timpani) rings in my ears as I observe the morning session. The police and the magistrate must find their own Stephen Ward. If they can prove that someone is controlling or inciting these girls to work as prostitutes, they can get closure orders and evict the girls from the flats.

Nicki, Jodie and several others are appealing. They are supported by a few others, and some of the maids, older busty sweethearts with smoker's coughs and droopy eyes. As far as I can see the girls are all from Eastern Europe, the maids from East Anglia. I sit among them at the back of the court, while the barristers and solicitors – prosecuting and defending – sit in front of us at their desks in frayed suits and unpolished shoes. They joke and confer among themselves, a band of brothers (pale shadows of men like Jeremy Hutchinson, who defended Christine Keeler all those years ago). The prosecuting counsel is a lumbering elephant of 30. I hate him on sight, but our barrister is not much better. He is a skeletal bird, and before the judge arrives is extremely impertinent to one of the girls. "And he's defending us!" whispers Nicki.

The police constable is a big man of 45, slightly overflowing from a crumpled suit, with thick hair and sensuous lips, a sloppy TV cop come to life, with lashings of rough- diamond charisma. He was probably once very good looking. Maybe he also had a heart of gold, but I doubt it. He has a threatening charm, and when one of the girls asks him how he can sleep at night, his eyes bulge slightly and an artery throbs on the side of his neck. "I sleep very well, thank you!" (Must be a Christian, I think to myself. They seem to be able to sleep through anything.)

He has taken down the witness reports and is clearly in charge of the whole operation. He is humorous with the lawyers and obsequious to the magistrate, whom he addresses as "Ma'am" at the end of every sentence. She is small and neat in a tweed suit, with a thin fringe and a parting across the top of her head, an old cartoon lovebird in reading glasses with a delivery borrowed from the Queen. Her demeanour – the gruesome hairdo, the tight temper, the voice – is contrived to shock. It works. I have seldom felt so demoralised by someone's behaviour.

We lose the first case. It turns out the police have given everyone documents with differently numbered paragraphs, so the court has to go into recess while it is sorted out. The magistrate is impatient with the arguments of our barrister, dismissive of our ladies' evidence and endlessly sympathetic to the policeman.

It's a disaster. But on the second day a miracle occurs. Our skeletal bird of a barrister is suddenly replaced by a dashing silver fox – a Sotheby's Smoothie – in a sky-blue shirt and a pink tie. Good looking, 50, charming and assertive, he looks at me before the session starts – thinks to himself for a second and says: "1979. Ginger Donelson. New York." A shared friend, another world.

Rupert Everett with Niki of the English Collective of Prostitutes  
Night shift: Everett with a senior figure in the English Collective of Prostitutes.
 
A pulpeuse Romanian beauty in skintight jeans steps into the witness box. She is jolly and humble, a solitary woman in a pen surrounded by baying hounds. "Miss Petrinopolous," breezes the Smoothie.

"You are – and I'm afraid there's only one way to put this – a sex worker."

"Thank you," giggles the lady modestly.

"Explain to us, if you will, how you came to be working in the Walkers Court flat?"

"I was desperate." Miss Petrinopolous is marvellously matter of fact. Her legs crossed, arms neatly folded over an exotic bosom, leaning forward, she seems quite comfortable under scrutiny. Her hands rotate, punctuating her testimony and waving along any discrepancies in tense or grammar. Miss Petrinopolous lives in the present. "Seven years ago. I go to this flat and give the girl working there my number. Maybe if she go on holiday, I think [full rotation], or want some time off [both hands], I can fill in for her. In this way she gives me three days. That is the way we do it. Between girls." She leans earnestly towards the lawyer.

"Please speak to the judge," he says gently. She turns to the magistrate. "Nobody force me to do this work!" She explains how girls organise schedules between themselves, that they leave the rent in a microwave to be collected.

"A microwave?" squawks the magistrate, the Lady Bracknell of legal aid.

"Well. It get wet in the fridge." Big laugh.

"I see." The lovebird is not convinced.

Later.

"I suggest to you…" thunders the prosecuting elephant, fingers twiddling behind his back, "that a third party was organising your hours and that this third party decided how much you were paid!" He is a damp squib, no competition for Miss P.

"No. We decide ourselves. It depends on the client. If he is rich – not like you – maybe I charge him a little more." She makes a guilty face. "Sorry!"

The magistrate is amused, charmed actually. Things seem to be taking a turn for the better. The Smoothie has mesmerised the lovebird. And he has drawn out his client magnificently. She totters back to her seat. Now he wheels on the policeman who takes to the witness box, clutching the Bible [promising fingers], rushing through "the truth the whole truth and nothing like the truth" as if it is a shopping list, then regards the Smoothie with a sham working-class reverence.
Never has the class system seemed more alive than in this courtroom. Both men use it against each other to great effect. They are well matched, charismatic and adroit, wrestling with wry humour over the meaning of the word "incitement". "Prompt!" trills the magistrate, victoriously consulting her dictionary.
The controlling, inciting, prompting character is still elusive. Is he the person putting up the signs directing the clients to the models' flat? (Incitement?) Is he the freeholder? (Control?) Is he simply a friend who said: "Why not give it a go?" (Prompting?) How seriously have the police attempted to contact the freeholders?

"Not very!" according to the Smoothie.

"Everythin' oomanly possible, Ma'am," volleys the policeman. The freeholder's address is written down as Notting Hill, Cheshire, a deliberate decoy according to the officer, a brick wall at the end of "an extensive line of enquiry".

"But if you just look here at the postcode after the word Cheshire…" snaps the Smoothie, waving his notes. "W 11 5 S 2 Z. Why did you not pursue that line of enquiry? A postcode, after all, is a hint, is it not, as to where someone lives? And you would find…" The policeman rumbles out a litany of complications.

"No. No. No!" commands our man with a dramatic swipe. But the policeman won't stop. "Let. Me. Speak. Officer." There is a sudden pin-dropping silence. "You would find that the freeholder's address is Holland Park Avenue. But you didn't really try, did you?"

"We did everything possible, Ma'am."

"You went through the motions."

"We did not, Ma'am."

The magistrate squeaks at the Smoothie: "You have made your point."
She is torn between the two of them and suddenly it feels as if we could win. In a reasonable screech she weighs up the case, acquiesces to everything the Smoothie has proposed, praises Miss Petrinopolous's "truthful and compelling testimony" – and now we're all holding our breath – this is it. The girls hold hands and the maids shut their eyes. The lovebird turns to Miss P – two women, face to face, for the last judgement. In a firm regretful voice she banishes her from all the safety and familiarity of the models' flat, its Christmas tree still twinkling in an empty room, and consigns her to the streets – to sex in cars on laybys and parking lots, to all manner of danger.

The policeman's hearsay has trumped the sworn testament of the working girl.

"It's not fair" is all Miss Petrinopolous has to say, and it is pathetic to watch her leave the witness box. A black Christmas awaits her, shivering on a street corner, while the magistrate reads under a lamp in Wimbledon, carols on the radio, mince pies in the fridge, and the officer stuffs himself with turkey on the Isle of Dogs in a paper hat.

As the next case begins the Smoothie despairs of repeating his arguments and says, simply: "It's not really worth going into all this, is it?"

"No, not really," replies the magistrate, looking him in the eye. And so, inevitably, Nicki and Jodie lose their flat, too.

A few weeks before all this happened I joined the English Collective of Prostitutes and other ladies of the night in a demonstration outside the offices of Soho Estates, which owns the Walkers Court flats. It was very sweet. The girls wore masks, carried banners and were draped in tinsel. We all chanted: "Save the girls. Save Soho." One girl had a megaphone, and soon the CEO came down among us. "We want to build more theatres," he proclaimed loftily. More theatres? We can't fill the ones we've got.
Paul Raymond with family 
  Soho’s players: Paul Raymond with daughter Debbie and granddaughter Fawn.
 
Soho Estates is a property empire built by the late Paul Raymond during the second half of the last century. It is a fortune built on flesh, on the sex trade. It has been inherited by Raymond's granddaughter Fawn. She wants to become an actress. In the meantime she is playing Monopoly and seems determined to redevelop Soho and double her money. In a curious coincidence, the week after the big raid she receives permission from Westminster Council to knock down the houses on Walkers Court, where many of the models' flats are located, and build two hideous towers replete with heliports, so that Soho can take its place in "Cool (tax-haven) Britannia".

Fawn seems to have no feeling for the hard work that has kept her warm and wealthy all these years. Much of every dividend she enjoys, after all, comes from the toil of some long-forgotten vagina. But now she has bigger prostitutes on her books – Westminster Council and British Heritage. She has "prompted" them into selling their bodies – our home – but nobody seems to notice.

A burst pipe brings me back to town at Christmas. I walk through Soho on Christmas morning. There is not a soul about. I am suddenly transported to those days when London died each Sunday and the only noise was church bells.

Bar Italia is closed. The theatres are dark. No lights in the models' flats. The Christmas Eve storm has blown everyone away. A couple of brain-dead queens stumble across Old Compton Street towards an elusive orgy. Under the blue sky, in the weird silence, the ghastly Christmas spirit hanging there, just the sound of the queens' slurred voices asking directions, everything is suddenly clear.

Rupert Everett with prostitutes campaigning  
Out on the street: sex workers join Rupert Everett in a protest about evictions in Soho.
 
In the current climate, with its curious puritanical undertow, these poor girls will always be swimming against the tide. To really get on these days you must be what the world wants, what it perceives you to be, and it wants all prostitutes to be victims. As soon as you declare that you are not one, you are charting a course across hostile waters and you will probably sink.

At the end of the musical, Stephen Ward takes his place in Madame Tussauds, another waxwork. He sings his last goodbye and freezes as a translucent curtain closes around him and Andrew Lloyd Webber's principal theme – the Russian dirge with funeral gongs – swells to a climax.

The translucent curtain is closing around Soho, too, our historic village of vagrants and immigrants, of hookers and queens, of cheese shops and coffee shops and sex shops and peep shows. It, too, is being reduced to a giant waxwork in a museum, nothing more than the set for a foreign film.

Rich parents should pay £20,000 for best state school places, says top head

anthony seldon
Anthony Seldon, head of Wellington College, suggests leading private schools should be forced to reserve a quarter of their places for children from the poorest families 
 
Rich parents who want to send their children to the highest performing state schools should have to pay up to £20,000 a year, according to a leading private school headmaster and political advisor.

Dr Anthony Seldon, master at Wellington College – which charges students £30,000 a year to board – also argues that top private schools should be forced to reserve a quarter of their places for children from the poorest families.

In a report to be published by the Social Market Foundation on Wednesday, Seldon argues that the controversial move would help to close theunfair gap between the academic achievements and career prospects of the richest and poorest children in the UK, providing state schools with extra funds for more teachers and smaller classes.

"We have to end this unfair farce whereby middle-class parents dominate the best schools, when they could afford to pay, and even boast of their moral superiority in using the state system when all they are doing is squeezing out the poor from the best schools," he told the Sunday Times.

The precedent of paying for state education has already been established in universities, which now charge students £9,000 a year, said Seldon. In his report Seldon calls for all families with an income of more than £80,000 a year to be charged if their child goes to an oversubscribed state school. "The more the parents earn, the more they should pay," he says in the report.

"Grammar schools, popular academies and comprehensives would be the most expensive schools," says Seldon, noting that only 3% of pupils at the country's 166 grammar schools come from the poorest homes.

Seldon calls for the wealthiest parents – those earning more than £200,000 a year – to pay up to £20,000 a year at the most oversubscribed secondary schools and £15,000 for primaries – the same as some private schools. The dramatic move is needed to inject social mobility into an education system that does not do enough to give the poorest children the best chance of high academic achievement, he says, adding that privately educated pupils are much more likely to go to leading universities and work in high-status jobs such as law and medicine.

"Instead of estate agents and private tutors getting rich, let's put this money into the state system," he says. Seldon concludes the report by saying: "Britain will be in debt for many years to come. We should be looking for every possible source of extra funds to come into public services and state schooling is the last great bastion holding out against the principle of payment. It is far more morally repellent to continue with the status quo than to start charging fees at top schools for those who can pay."

Ukip suspends councillor who claimed floods were caused by gay marriage

David Silvester
Ukip has suspended David Silvester, a councillor in Henley-on-Thames, who claimed that recent flooding was the result of the decision to legalise gay marriage. Photograph: henleyconservatives.co.uk
 
A Ukip councillor who blamed the Christmas and new year floods on the passage of gay marriage laws has been suspended from the party, Ukip said on Sunday, reversing an earlier view that he was entitled to his opinion.

Henley-on-Thames councillor David Silvester, who defected from the Tories in protest at David Cameron's support for same-sex unions, said he had warned the prime minister of "repercussions" if gay marriage went ahead.

He was suspended by Ukip after defying a request not to do further interviews on his beliefs following his initial claims made in a letter to a local newspaper. The move came as leader Nigel Farage launched a clearout of "extremist, nasty or barmy" views from the party ahead of polls in May.

On Sunday Silvester caused fresh controversy, telling BBC Radio Berkshire that being gay was a "spiritual disease" that can be healed. His remarks led Ukip's official gay and lesbian group to send Silvester a letter saying he had "rightly attracted derision from people of all political beliefs, and once again painted Ukip in a negative light – an unacceptable act for which you cannot be excused".
Tory business minister Michael Fallon said the comments showed "there clearly are one or two fruitcakes still around there" – a reference to David Cameron's previous criticisms of Ukip.
Silvester said the new law, paving the way for the first gay marriages in Britain this spring, was the latest mistake that would anger God – following on from abortion laws, which he likened to the Holocaust.

In the radio interview, which followed his initial claims about the link between flooding and gay marriage in a letter to the Henley Standard, Silvester said: "I don't have a problem with gay people. "I believe as a Christian I should love gay people and indeed, I do.

"My prayer for them is they will be healed. It is nonsense to say it is homophobic. If you love a person enough to want them to be healed and to have a proper family, that is hardly homophobic. It is a spiritual disease … it's not what I say, it's what the Bible says."

Silvester added: "I am a man who prays every day for every member of the cabinet and for every member of the royal family and when, two years ago, I wrote to the prime minister to warn him there are repercussions for serious breaches of the coronation oath, such as this one has been, when I saw what followed I naturally assumed this was the result of them going against God's laws.

"This is not new, this happened in the Old Testament – they were warned if they turned against God there would be pestilence, there would be war, there would be disasters."

The open letter from Ukip's LGBT group said: "The Met Office have stated 'the main reason for the mild and wet weather so far is that we have seen a predominance of west and south-west winds, bringing in mild air from the Atlantic – as well as generally unsettled conditions' – regardless of whether you believe in a God or not, sudden rainfall has not just formulated out of nowhere upon the UK. An Act of God this is not."

I saved child benefit 38 years ago, says Malcolm Wicks in autobiography

Malcom Wicks
The late Malcom Wicks served as a minister under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. But in 1970s he was the civil servant who blew the whistle over child benefit. 
 
One of the great political mysteries of the 20th century has been solved by a beyond-the-grave confession by a former Labour minister that before he entered politics he was responsible for one of the most significant cabinet leaks ever.

In an autobiography published posthumously, Malcolm Wicks admits that as a young civil servant he disclosed the content of cabinet discussions in 1976 revealing that the Callaghan Labour government resorted to "downright lies" to try to shelve the introduction of child benefit.

The furore triggered by the disclosure forced ministers into a humiliating U-turn that brought in a benefit regarded as one of the most important social welfare advances of the modern era, since worth almost £400bn to families.

Frank Field, the senior Labour MP who was recipient of the leak in his role as director of the Child Poverty Action Group, and who has kept the secret of Wicks's action for 38 years, said: "Child benefit would not now exist had it not been for Malcolm's courage."

Wicks, who died of cancer in 2012 aged 65, was an MP from 1992 and served as a minister in several departments under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. He was for four years a minister at the Department for Work and Pensions, which is responsible for child benefit.

Earlier in his career, however, he had worked as a social policy analyst in the Home Office's urban deprivation unit where he saw a wide range of Whitehall papers, including minutes of cabinet discussions.

When he read what Jim Callaghan, the prime minister, and Denis Healey, his chancellor, were doing to renege on Labour's commitment to introduce child benefit, he was outraged. Although he had signed the Official Secrets Act, he decided to leak the contents of the relevant papers to Field.

"As days passed and I saw more documentation, including cabinet papers, it was not so much the attempt to abandon child benefit that incensed me, but more the way it was being done: the manoeuvring, the downright lies and the attempt to play off Labour MPs against trade union bigwigs," Wicks writes in the autobiography, My Life, seen exclusively by the Guardian.His decision was "ethical", he insists. "My view was that if a Labour government was to abandon its policy, having connived and misled, then I had a duty to leak what happened to the papers – knowing full well that this would have repercussions – so that people would see the truth."

The resulting scandal prompted Callaghan within weeks to drop his opposition to reform of the then 65-year-old secrets act, though that was not to happen until 1989. The emergence of such a strong defence of ethical leaking by a former Labour minister is certain to fuel debate about further reform in the wake of the Edward Snowden affair.

Wicks was confident he had acted correctly. He writes: "Was I right to leak the cabinet papers? I still think I was."

Introduction of child benefit was a moral issue, he argues. "It simply could not be right that ministers, at the most senior level, should manipulate internal discussions in such a way that the cabinet itself was misled. I thought – and still think – that in those circumstances it was justifiable to leak, or putting it more positively, to let the wider public know what was going on."

Only two or three people knew Wicks was the source of a leak that helped shape the modern welfare state. Child benefit was designed as a universal payment for every dependent child up to 16, or 19 if in full-time education, replacing both child tax allowance and family allowance and, importantly, being paid direct to the mother in a fundamental shift of state support "from wallet to purse".

The act providing for the benefit, which had been a Labour manifesto commitment, had been passed in 1975, but by spring the following year there was no agreement in cabinet on its introduction.

Callaghan Government 
  The then chancellor, Denis Healey, front, left, talks to the then prime minister, James Callaghan, during the opening of parliament in November 1976.
 
With the government facing economic difficulties, Callaghan – who previously as chancellor had argued for a means-tested benefit rather than a universal scheme – began to plot to get introduction shelved. He procured what he called an "excellent report" from the chief whip, Michael Cocks, warning of grave political consequences if the benefit went ahead in 1977.

Although Cocks's report purported to be a survey of backbench opinion, it later transpired that he had merely taken soundings in the whips' office.

The report was used to persuade a majority of the cabinet that introduction of the benefit, with the inherent loss of fathers' tax breaks, could not be sold to the electorate. Healey told senior trade union leaders, whom he met at the then National Economic Development Council, that the cabinet majority believed the effect on take-home pay would be catastrophic.

The following day, Healey reported to the cabinet that the union leaders had reacted "immediately and violently" against introduction. David Ennals, appointed social services secretary seven weeks earlier after the sacking of Barbara Castle, a staunch supporter of child benefit, was dispatched to the Commons to announce indefinite postponement because of union objections.

Had it not been for Wicks's intervention, that might have been the end of child benefit. But within three weeks Field, writing anonymously, was to reveal the full story in an article in the now-defunct New Society magazine, unleashing a storm of controversy that immediately dominated the political and news agenda.

As the row threatened to bring down the government, the Guardian reported that Callaghan had warned Castle and other rebels "that they must choose between their demand for the instant implementation of the scheme and the continuation of Labour in office". At one point, the Commons was suspended for three hours to avert a government defeat.

In a leader comment, the Guardian said: "The right of a prime minister to ensure the secrecy of cabinet proceedings has been breached: but the right of people to understand government decisions which are crucial to their own welfare – so often inadequately served – has been usefully defended."
Callaghan ordered a Whitehall investigation into the leak and a Scotland Yard inquiry, involving the fingerprinting of civil servants and the tapping of Field's phones, but Wicks never came under suspicion and nobody else was identified as the leaker.

Field, who quickly identified himself as author of the New Society article, took special care to deflect attention from Wicks, who had been an early and active member of the CPAG before joining the civil service. He always referred to the leaker as "Deep Throat", a reference to the source in the unravelling of the US Watergate conspiracy.

The phasing in of child benefit over three years, with payment commencing in 1977 and from 1979 being worth 9% of average earnings to a two-child family, was announced in September 1976 – two months after Field's New Society article.

The benefit, which has not always been uprated in line with inflation, is currently worth £20.30 a week for a first child and £13.40 for each subsequent one. For a two-child family, it is worth about 5.5% of average earnings.

According to estimates prepared for the Guardian by leading expert Jonathan Bradshaw, professor of social policy at York university, the value of the benefit since 1977 could be put at £388bn in terms of total cash paid to families, or a £73bn net gain in terms of cash paid for first children who were not previously eligible for family allowance.

In a foreword to Wicks's book, which will be launched at the Commons at a reception hosted by former Labour home secretary Alan Johnson, Field writes: "What Malcolm doesn't claim for himself is that his name should be recorded in history books as 'Mr Child Benefit'. Yet that is how I believe we should regard him."

Until now Wicks's greatest achievement has been seen as his private member's bill that succeeded in reaching the statute books in 1995 as the Carers (Recognition and Services) Act, a breakthrough that gave family carers a legal status and important rights.

Wicks: the social reformer

Malcolm Wicks brought up in a strong Labour family, was a passionate social reformer who, though by then terminally ill, was still driven to prepare and deliver a lecture on rethinking the party's welfare policies five months before his death from cancer in September 2012, aged 65.
He was one of the first students on the social policy degree course at the LSE in 1966, under Richard Titmuss, and embarked upon an academic career before joining the former urban deprivation unit at the Home Office in 1974. Leaving the civil service in 1978 – he says in his book that "I knew I could never serve a Conservative government" – he worked for family policy thinktanks before becoming Labour MP for Croydon North West in 1992.

In addition to his commitment to carers, he had a long-term concern over fuel poverty and briefly chaired the education select committee. Appointed an education minister in 1999, he moved two years later to the Department for Work and Pensions, where he specialised in pensions. He was made energy minister in 2005 and served as science and innovation minister before returning to the energy brief. He left government in 2008 but remained an MP until his death.

During the MPs' expenses scandal, he was praised for the probity and modest scale of his claims. He paid for his constituency office premises out of his own pocket.

Jobless migrants to be denied housing benefit in further crackdown

Theresa May
Theresa May: Labour's record 'shameful'
Jobless immigrants will be denied housing benefits under plans set out by senior ministers to tackle immigration and prevent people exploiting the UK's welfare system.

The home secretary, Theresa May, and work and pensions secretary, Iain Duncan Smith, said the measure would apply from April as they delivered a strongly-worded attack on Labour's "shameful" record on the issue.

The move to stop access to housing benefit follows legislation rushed through parliament to prevent migrants claiming out-of-work benefits until they have been in the country for three months.
Writing in the Daily Mail the cabinet ministers said: "No longer can people come here from abroad and expect to get something for nothing."

They said immigration had made a "tremendously rich contribution to our country, both culturally and in terms of the talent it brings – but it must be controlled".

"So we have tightened up the system ... and the latest figures show our reforms are working.
"For those migrants who do come here, we're ensuring they are unable to take unfair advantage of our system by accessing benefits as soon as they arrive.

"For example, we introduced rules so that from 1 January this year we are banning individuals from receiving out-of-work benefits until they have been living in the UK for three months.

"And we will go still further: from the beginning of April we will be removing entitlement to housing benefit altogether for this group.

"In addition, EU migrants can only claim jobseeker's allowance for six months unless they have genuine prospects of finding work."

They added: "These new immigration and benefit checks will clamp down on those trying to exploit the system.

"We can ensure that Britain's growing economy and dynamic jobs market deliver for those who work hard and play by the rules."

Accusing Labour of a "shameful betrayal" of British workers, they highlighted figures showing the number of Britons in jobs fell by 413,000 between 2005 and 2010, while the number of working foreigners increased by 736,000.

"For years Labour presided over a labour market where the number of foreign people in jobs rocketed to record levels – while thousands of British workers were left on the sidelines, facing the prospect of long-term unemployment," they said.

But measures taken by the government had "reversed the damaging trend" and more than 90% of the rise in employment over the past year went to UK nationals, they said.

Saturday, January 18, 2014

Are Large File Transfer is Secure ?


Are Large File Transfer is Secure ?
This question was asked by someone who is very often send large files in their email

Egress Software Technologies' Egress Switch 2.0 

Incorporates key features to enable organisations the ability to protect and classify confidential information sent by email, CD/DVD, USB, or uploaded to internal/Cloud Servers. The influx of point solutions' designed to cater for specific data exchange mechanisms such as email, or large file transfer, has done little to reduce the alarming number of reported data loss incidents. Research indicates that the percentage of data loss cases attributed to third party negligence has now grown to 36% and is 20% more costly to recover. 

To address this challenge Egress Switch enables businesses to share information securely by offering real-time auditing and complete control wherever the data resides.Highlighted new features include: Secure Large File TransferExpanding on our one click' mantra to sharing information securely, sending large files is now easier than ever. Better still, not only will recipients be notified automatically, but information owners are also able to track user activity and revoke access in real-time – even once the files have been downloaded. 

Message  Body EncryptionEmail message body encryption has now been added to enable users the ability to encrypt sensitive messages without the need to learn any new processes. Identity based encryption creates an automatic and seamless association between authorised recipients and encrypted data, removing the need for cumbersome password management. 

Customisable Security LabelsSecurity labelling has been added to enable users the ability to classify confidential data in one single operation. This functionality gives Switch administrators the flexibility they require to define bespoke policy rules and data classifications centrally, removing any unnecessary complication from end users. Configurable Recipient Policy NotesThe very nature of business collaboration often requires sensitive data to be placed in the hands of third parties. 

By offering fully configurable and centrally audited policy disclaimers, Switch users can now enforce that recipients take full responsibility when handling confidential information. Improved UsabilityOur experience with customers tells us that simple security is the most successful security. Enhanced authentication embedded into core business workflow enables users to easily adopt protection of data and embrace information security when performing daily tasks.

"We're excited about offering these new services to our growing customer base. Sharing confidential information securely using a variety of exchange mechanisms remains a common requirement," said Tony Pepper, CEO for Egress Software Technologies. "Switch provides seamless encryption of outbound data regardless of file size or transport mechanism and keeps you in complete control at all times. In a tough climate with harsh penalties for data loss that endanger the very existence of many businesses, this is the protection our customers demand."Delivered as a software service to minimize overall cost, Egress Switch goes beyond the capabilities of traditional encryption products. Pepper continues, "Our patented innovation paves the way for businesses and individuals to share information securely."

Egress Switch offers complete protection of outbound data regardless of file size or transport mechanism. Using AES 256-bit encryption, Switch secures confidential information sent by email, copied to USB removable media, burnt to CD/DVD, or uploaded to FTP/Cloud Servers. Information owners can then set or change security policies through a service in the Cloud. Security policies include real-time user and package management, even after the information is sent or shared. This allows users to instantly pull information back' should audit events suggests the data has been lost or mishandled.

Egress Switch also offers integrated data classification and customisable end user policy disclaimers. This next generation level of control and ease-of-use not only mitigates the risk of unintentional data loss, but also enforces recipient responsibility when handling confidential information. 


The results of a recent Egress and SC Magazine survey highlighted that over 71% of business users fell into this category http://www.egress.com/infographic-sc-survey-2012/.

This approach may make the organization more efficient, but it gives no thought to the control and security of the information which is often of a sensitive nature and does not ensure secure file transfer.

Get Started

Installation is straightforward. First, you must create an account you can try it for 14 day Free Business Trial or you can register to the Egress Switch, which is done through the downloaded client. Using your account's e-mail address, the service grants access rights and associates packages. Next, you can choose to install the browser plug-in or the full Switch client. The browser plug-in lets users open secure packages, but they can't create them; the full client allows creation and opening of secure packages.


Switch runs on Windows XP, Vista, Server 2003, or latest version, so customers' machines must have Microsoft .Net 2.0 Service Pack 1 installed. Although this Windows-only approach isn't unique to Egress' service, it does mean non-Windows businesses will have to seek an alternate route to secure exchanges.

In tests, after we downloaded the full client and entered our account information, we were up and running. The entire process took only a few minutes and was pretty easy. However, because there is no Mac or Linux client, we had to run Switch on a virtual machine running Windows.

See How it Work

sending a large files

  Egress Secure Network


About Egress Software Technologies

Egress SoftwareTechnologies is the leading provider of email and file encryption software, offering innovative on-demand data security to enable organisations and individuals in the Public and Private Sectors to share confidential information with third parties.

Combining on-premise and hosted cloud infrastructure with patented key management, Egress Switch provides a unique community-based licensing model called the EgressTrust Network. The Network is made up of paying and free Egress Switch subscribers, who are able to share information securely with one another using a single global identity. Delivered as a fully managed service, the Trust Network has grown virally to over 500,000 members.

Used by organisations around the world, integrated desktop and mobile applications ensure easy-to-use software, designed to aid compliance and streamline user workflow.


Friday, January 17, 2014

William S Burroughs: the naked photographer

William S Burroughs
Personal moments … William S Burroughs.
There are many things that spring to mind when you think of William Burroughs: the lifelong heroin addiction; the love of guns that led to him killing his second wife in a drunken game of William Tell; the wildly chaotic beat lifestyle that informed his literary style. One thing that you probably don't immediately think of is the best way to arrange chrysanthemums.
  1. William S Burroughs
  2. Taking Shots
  3. Photographers' Gallery,
  4. London
  1. Starts 16 January
  2. Until 30 March
  3. Venue website
Yet a new exhibition devoted to the photography of Burroughs reveals several sides to the writer that are rarely included in the wildman mythology. Indeed, Taking Shots (you can probably see what they've done there) explores the idea of Burroughs not just as a photographer in his own right, but as a complex artist with ideas that are often extremely personal. Flowers is a case in point: a series of photographs in which a pink rose protrudes from a chrome Coca-Cola bottle. As the exhibition explains, there are personal reasons for Burroughs' choice of imagery: his mother, Laura Lee, was a renowned flower arranger who wrote a trio of books on the subject for Coca-Cola.
Burroughs 

Ian Sommerville, Infinity, Paris (Beat Hotel) 1962 You could view Burroughs's literary career as a reaction to this comfortable upbringing, but in actual fact it influenced his style: Burroughs saw a parallel between her arrangements and the way words and images could be arranged to provide new contexts and meanings. As he wrote to his artist friend Brion Gysin in 1961: "The collage is an art like flower arranging."

Gysin is famous for inventing, with Burroughs's help, the "cut-up" technique, used in the writer's masterpiece Naked Lunch. Yet Burroughs used this method for things other than writing. Running through these photographs, which span the 1950s to 70s, is a desire to chop and rearrange images – using collage, shadow, wordplay, magnification and reflection – in a quest to generate new meaning. Burroughs likened the effects of cut-up to time travel: by slicing through order and chronology, he was attempting to break the space-time continuum itself.

William S Burroughs - Midtown Manhattan 
  Midtown Manhattan, 1965, by William S Burroughs. Photograph: Estate of William S Burroughs 
 
Indeed, time and loss are consistent themes. Infinity Photographs involves a painstaking process of photographing, then rephotographing, his own library of photos in order to produce a single image that contained the entire collection (an ultimate act of hoarding that seems prescient of the digital age, not to mention at odds with someone who so often lost and discarded his own work).

Perhaps the most moving sequence is What Was, What Isn't, which documents the aftermath of a passionate encounter with his lover John Brady. Ordered chronologically, it begins with a messed-up bed and then a closeup of a stain on the sheets, before moving on towards a fully made-up bed. It's intimate but also sad, exploring how moments of joy are transient and soon to be covered up by something more ordinary. The emptiness of the original image – nobody is present on the messy bed – reminds you that the scene no longer exists and tantalises you with the thought of what might have gone on there. No wonder Burroughs wished he could time travel.

Burroughs 
  William S Burroughs, Jack Kerouac, Tangier, 1957
  Beyond a small section dedicated to more conventional portraits of Burroughs's friends and collaborators (including an effortlessly cool shot of Jack Kerouac in Tangier around the time On the Road was published), Taking Shots is an exhibition that doesn't dwell on the writer's celebrity pull. For those who crave to have their Burroughs myths reaffirmed, however, there are traces of his punkier side.

 In true DIY style, his photographs were developed not in expensive studios but at drugstores – something unheard of for a photographer at the time. There's also an amusing sequence called Moka Bar, in which Burroughs plots a "multimedia attack" on London's first ever espresso bar, on Frith Street. Upset with their rude service and a "poisonous cheesecake", he set out to see if he could alter reality with photography: turning up every day for several weeks to document the cafe with photography and audio equipment, in a manner that allegedly drove customers away.

The final photograph in the series implies he was victorious: Moka Bar has been replaced by Queens Snack Bar.

It underlines the fact that Burroughs saw photography not just as art but as a powerful and provocative tool. Indeed, 1960s underground chronicler Barry Miles believes he viewed the camera as a weapon – "one as powerful as the .38 he was habitually in possession of". You might think this is a million miles away from flower-arranging, but as Burroughs once said: "The only way I like to see cops given flowers is in a flowerpot from a high window."

Ultimate power ballads: the anthems behind the club night

Ultimate Power night
Singing at the top of their lungs: Ultimate Power night at the Electric Ballroom in London. 
 
Nothing quite prepares you for Ultimate Power. There are mini Bonnie Tylers in micro leather miniskirts, a definite hen party contingent. The kid in the Justice T-shirt with a hipster haircut, looking no more than 17, has plenty of contemporaries here. There are people twerking, and the atmosphere is one of barely contained euphoria. It's the Electric Ballroom in north London, and 1,500 people are here for an event that is less a club night and more a religious happening for the congregants.

The crowd roar the words to each hymn, and it's like church, except with rousing choruses and huge hair, for Ultimate Power is filling the place not with the latest club 12-inch mixes, or indie disco
staples, but with power ballads – music that exists at the interface of light metal, album-oriented rock and melodic soft rock. More surprisingly, few of the people here are the ageing Heart FM listeners one might expect; rather they appear to have been conceived between the release dates of two of Ultimate Power's defining statements: Tyler's Total Eclipse of the Heart (1983) and Meat Loaf's I'd Do Anything for Love (But I Won't Do That) (1993), regarded by the night's organisers as the late-period apotheosis of power balladry, if one takes the genre's golden age as lasting from the late 70s to the mid-80s.

Each reaction is more exultant than the last – there is rapture for Maria McKee's Show Me Heaven and a mass a cappella chantalong to Belinda Carlisle's Heaven Is a Place on Earth. Wilson Phillips's Hold On incites aggressive air-punching – and that's just from the women.
"Everyone loves a power ballad," says Delia from Manchester, here to celebrate her 31st birthday. "There's nothing ironic or try-hard about it. It's not for hipsters. It's for anyone. There is a real inclusive feel." She considers this part of a long tradition of social-musical interaction. "It goes back to when people used to sing around the piano in a pub. This is one of the few places where you can get that communal feeling."

Tiger, 24, who has driven up from Kent, is more succinct. Previously a non-believer, she is now a convert. "I thought it would be shit, but this is actually the best night of my life," she shouts with whatever is left of her voice after several hours of power balladeering. "It's exciting, and really emotional."

Some of the biggest-selling rock songs of all time – from I'd Do Anything For Love (But I Won't Do That) to Bryan Adams's (Everything I Do) I Do It For You to Journey's Don't Stop Believin' to Foreigner's I Want To Know What Love Is – are power ballads. So it stands to reason that an evening devoted to such emotionally resonant, melodramatic anthems would be successful. But why here? Why now?

"There's something missing in modern music," declares Jo Kendall of Classic Rock magazine, a regular attendee at the Ultimate Power nights, which are held across the country. "People want to emote, and they're doing it to old-school power ballads. It's bringing people together. There's a really strange, slightly religious element to it. You see people belting out songs at the top of their lungs because they're not allowed to anywhere else. It's communal regression therapy meets church, and it's totally cathartic. I find it absolutely extraordinary. The maelstrom of emotion is very affecting. In a secular world, they have brought back the element of communal worship."

"They" are the organisers of, and DJs at, Ultimate Power: Steve Proud, Brian Mahoney, "Mr" Flash, Dave Fawbert and Alex Gilbert. They don't just stand behind their decks, they frequently go to the front of the stage with inflatable guitars and microphones to strike ridiculous poses and whip the crowd into a frenzy. All of them work in or around the music business in various guises (management, A&R, journalism or advertising) and describe Ultimate Power as "an evening of the greatest songs ever written". They all have the gift of the gab and an ear for the OTT soundbite, prone to claiming their tracks are "more important than any form of organised religion, the cure for cancer and the meaning of life".

"It was originally done totally for a laugh," explains Proud, backstage at the Electric Ballroom, his voice almost drowned out by the sound of 1,500 revellers bellowing along to Mr Mister's Broken Wings and Toto's Rosanna, the epic surges of these soft-rock standbys becoming evident at great volume. He recalls that the working title for the night was I Want To Know What Love Is, I Want You to Show Me. "There was never a plan," he admits. "We just wanted to earn enough to get pissed."
The event started in a pub near the Electric Ballroom; soon, they were selling out venues four times that size. "We were shitting ourselves," he remembers. To begin with, they were glorified wedding DJs. "We weren't mixing or doing anything clever, just pressing start and stop," says Proud who, like the others, has a background as a dance/electro DJ.

It was when they started getting swept along by the histrionics that are an essential component of the power ballad that their reputation grew. "Part of our success," says Mahoney, the first to admit he's no natural performer, "is the hugeness of the songs. What happens is, we get pissed and do air guitar and air drums. We're all failed musicians, so this is us living out our dreams."

They even managed to convert hordes of hardened heavy-metallers at Download when they DJed an Ultimate Power set there. "People were waiting to bottle us off until they saw how much we loved the music," he marvels. "It's like performance: you've got to give 90% more than they're going to give."
It might have started as a wheeze, but they have taken it a long way, even if it has yet to reach its tipping point. They agree that preposterous majesty is the key to it all, but not irony. "The natural assumption is that we're taking the piss," says Proud, "but there's no ironic element. It's playful – we're not po-faced and serious – but we love these songs, genuinely."

They're all surprised by how young the audience is, using terms such as "osmosis" and "cultural permeation" to explain how the music seems to have seeped into the consciousness of these twentysomethings. He smiles at the way the cool kids turn up to Ultimate Power with cynically folded arms, only to be seduced by the grandiose glory of it all.

Flash says: "A lot of the people who come weren't even born when these songs were around, but they're written into the collective DNA because they're so ubiquitous. Or they might vaguely remember listening to Total Eclipse of the Heart in their dad's car on the way to school. It's fascinating." He checks himself before things get too scientific: "Of course, it also helps that this music fuckin' rocks."

Proud and co know exactly what they're doing, with a similar approach to build and release, dynamics and "drops", as a dubstep DJ (as Mahoney reveals, they even edit songs or extend sections for maximum effect). As midnight approaches, they bring out the big guns: Cutting Crew's (I Just) Died In Your Arms, Don't Stop Believin', Mike & the Mechanics' The Living Years. There is dry ice and a full Flaming Lips-style confetti blitzkrieg ahead of Total Eclipse – the emotional epicentre – and John Farnham's You're the Voice, which is the surprise totemic heart of the Ultimate Power concept of sheer surging optimism, its devotional appeal particularly evident when afforded the sacred-karaoke treatment.

"Ultimate Power, you changed my life," reads the tweet from Hannah Lee beamed on to the Electric Ballroom wall as Whitesnake's Here I Go Again has an eruptive effect on the assembled crowd. Then Fawbert introduces I'd Do Anything as "the greatest song ever written" – the full, unexpurgated 12-minute version, naturally – as a man dressed as Meat Loaf appears onstage.

"We're five slightly overweight blokes playing air guitar, and it's ridiculous," acknowledges Mahoney. "But we're very good at what we do, and we love it – and people can see that in our eyes. We love to see the reaction on people's faces."

For Jo Kendall, the joy of hearing one power ballad after another is all about sustaining the high that people struggle to achieve in real life.

"It's all highs," she insists. "That's why they call it 'Ultimate'. Just when you think you can take no more, they're like: 'We're going to take you over the edge!' They pull on every heartstring, but these are people willing to be manipulated. They want it! They want it so badly because modern life is complicated, and this simplifies it down to the raw essentials. They make you feel something.

"In fact," she adds, and it's too late, and certainly too loud, to tell if she's joking, "as Boston said, it's More Than a Feeling."

Ultimate Power's top 10 power ballads

John Farnham – You're the Voice
Journey – Don't Stop Believin'
Bon Jovi – Always
Bonnie Tyler – Total Eclipse of the Heart
Céline Dion – Think Twice
Whitney Houston – I Will Always Love You
Aerosmith – I Don't Want To Miss a Thing
Foreigner – I Want To Know What Love Is
Guns N' Roses – November Rain
Prince – Purple Rain

 
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